





S'jj.'jcj;,. 













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'iiiii'. 








Class „ 
Book_ 



,7 



( '>ireAL'luMJ-^ &^ 




PROCEEDINGS 



OP 



A Convention of Delegates^ 



FROM THE STATES OP 



MASSACHUSETTS, CONNECTICUT. 
AND RHODE-ISLAND ; 

THE eouMTIES 

OF CHESHIRE AND GRAFTON, 

IN THE STATE OP NEW-HAMPSHIRE; 
AND THE 

COUNTY OF WINDHAM, 

IN THE STATE OF VERMONT : 

CONVENED AT HARTFORD, 

* IN THE 

STATE OF CONNKCTICUT, 

DECEMBER 15tH, 1814. 



ALBANY: 

PRINTED BY HENRY C. SOUTHWIC^ 

1815. 



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/'jo^^r 



'^ 



EEPORT, <|'c. 



The Delegates from the Legislatures of the f^tates of 
Massacliusetls, CKiinectuutand Khode-Liland, and 
from the Counties of Gralton and Cheshiie, in the 
State of New-Hampshire and the county of V\ ind- 
ham in the State of Vermont, assembled in Con- 
vention, beg leave io report the ioLowing reault 
of their tonierence. 



X HE Convention is deeply impressed with a sense of the 
arduous nature of the commission which th«y were appoiiiied to 
extrute, ol devising the means of defence against dangers, and of 
reliel tVom oppressions proceeding from the acts of their ow n go- 
Ternment, without violating constitutional principles, or disap- 
pointing the hopes of a suffering and injured people. To pre- 
ecrihe patience aad firmness to those who are already exhausted 
by distress, is sometimes to drive them to despair, and the pro- 
gress towards reform by the regular road, is irksome ti> (hose 
whose imaginations discern, and whose feeliugs prompt, to a short- 
er course. — But when abuses, reduced to system and accumulated 
through a course ol years, have pervaded every department of 
Government, and spread corruption through every region of the 
State; when these ar€ clothed with the forms of law, aiid en- 
forced by an Executive whose will is llieir source, no summary 
nieans of relief can he applied without recourse to direct and ojien 
resistance. This experiment, even when justifiable, cannot fail 
to '>e painful to the good citizen; and the success of the effort 
^vill be no secnrity against the danger of the example. Prfce- 
dents of resistance to the worst administration, are eagerly seized 
by those who are naturally hostile to (he best. Necessity alone 
Can sanction a resort to this nieasur*-; and it should never be ex- 
tended in duration or degree beyond the exigency, until the peo- 
ple, not merely in the fervour of sudden excitement, but after full 
delilieralion, are determined to change the Constitution. 

It is a truth, not to be concealed, that a sentiment (irevails to no 
inconsiderable extent, that administration have given such fon- 
structions to that instrument, and practised so many abuses u:nler 
colour of its authority, that the time for a change is at hand. — 
Those who so believe, recard the evils which surround them as 
intrinsic and incurable defects in the Constitution. They yield 
♦o a persuasion, that no change, at any time, or on any occaaioU) 



t 4 ) 

can aggravate the misery of their country. This opinion may ul- 
tiniuiely prove to be correct. But as the evideuce on which it 
res s, is not yet conclusive, aud ds measures adopted upon the as- 
suuiption ot its certainty might be irrevocable, some general con- 
siderations are submitted, in the hope ot reconciling all to a 
course ol moderation aud firmness, which may save them from the 
regret incident to sudden decisions, probably avert the evil, or at 
least insure consolation and success in the last resort. 

The Constitution ot the United States, under the auspices of a 
wise and virtuous Administration, proved itself competent to all 
the objects of national prosperity, comprehended in the views of 
its Iramers. No parallel can be lound in history, of a transition 
eo rapid as that ot the United States from the lowest depression 
to the highest felicity — from the condition ol weak and disjointed 
republics, to that of a great, united, and jirosperous nation. 

Although this high state of public' happiness has undergone a 
miserable and atflicting reverse, through the prevalence of a weak 
and profligate policy, yet the evils and afflictions which have thus 
been induced upon the country, are not peculiar to any form of 
Government. The lust and caprice of power, the corruption of 
patronage, the oppression of the weaker interests of the communi- 
ty by the stronger, heavy taxes, wasteful expenditures, and un- 
just and ruinous wars, are the natural offspring of bad Adminis- 
trations, in all ages and countries. It was indeed to be hoped, 
that the rulers of these States would not make such disastrous 
liasie to involve their infancy in the embarrassments of old and 
rotten institutions. Yet all this have they <lone; and their cou- 
«luct calls loudly for their dismission and disgrace. But to at- 
tem|)t upon every abuse of power to change the Constitution, 
would be to perpetuate the evils ol re volution- 

Again, the experiment of the powers of the Conslitution, tore- 
gain its vigour, and of the people to recover from their delusions, 
has been hitherto made under the greatest possible disadvantages 
arising from the stale of the world. The fierce passions which 
Lave convulsed the nations of Europe, have (lassed the Ocean, 
and finding their way to the bosoms of our citizens, have afforded 
to Administration the means of perverting public opinion, in re- 
spect to our foreign relations, so as to acquire its aid in the indul- 
gence of their animosities, and the increase of their adherents. 
Fnither, a reformation of public opinion, resulting from dear 
bou<:lU experience, in (he Southern Atlantic States, at least, is 
not lo be despaired of. Th*y will have felt, that the Eastern 
Stales cannot be made exclusively the victims of a capricious and 
impissioned policy. They will have seen that the great and es- 
seutiid interests of tlie people, are common lo the South and to the 
E:i.-t. They will realize the fatal errors of a systf ni, which seeks 
revenge lor commercial injuries in the sacrifice of commerce, and 
ajrirravates by needless wars, to an immeasurable extent, the in- 
jurii s it pro esses to redress. They may discard the influence of 
visionary theorista, and recognize the benefits of a practical poUr 



( 5 ) 

py. Indications of this tleairahle revolution of opinion, amons; 
our lireiliitii in those Stales, are already nianil'esleii. While a 
JiO|)e remains ol' its ultimate complelion, its progress should not 
be retarded or stopped, by exciting IVars which must check these 
favourable tendencies, and Irustrale the eftbrts ot the wisest and 
be=l uieu in those States, to accelerate this piopilious change. 

Fiually, il the Union be destined to dissolution, by reason of 
the muliiplied abuses of liad administrations, it should, if possi- ^ 
l)le, be the work of peaceable times, and deliberate consent. — 
So:ne new form of confederacy should be substituted among those 
States, which shall intend to maintain a federal relation to each 
Other. — Events may prove that the causes of our calamiliea are 
deep and permanent. They may be Ibund to proceed not merely 
from the Ijlindness of prejudice, pride of opinion, violence of par- 
ty spirit, or the lonfusiou of the times; l)ut they may be traced 
to implacable coml>inalions of individuals, or oi States, to mono- 
polize power and offire, and to trample without remorse upon the 
rights and interests of commercial sections of tlie Union. When- 
ever it shall appear tlint these causes are radical and permanent, a 
separation by ecjuitable arrangement, will be preferable to an alii- 
ancp by constraint, among nominal friends, but real enemie?, in- 
ifl Tiled by mutual hatred and inveteracy, and inviting, by intestine 
divisions, contempt and aggression from abroad. But a sever- 
ance of the Union by one or more States, against the will of the 
rest, and especially in time of war, can be justified only by abso- 
lute necessity. These are among the principal objections against 
preei|filate measures, tending to disunite the States, and when 
ex 'nimed in coimection with the Farewell Address ot the Father 
of his Country, they must, it is believed, be deemed conclu- 
^ve. 

Under these impressions, the Convention have proceeded to 
confer and deliberate upon the alarming state of pulilic .-idairs; 
especially, as affecting the interests of the people who have ap- 
pointed them for this pur[)ose, and thtyare naturally led to a 
consideration, in the first place, of the dangers and grievances 
which menace an immediate or speedy pressure, with a view 
pf suggeeling means of i)resent relief; in the next place, of 
such as are of a more remote and general description, in the 
hope of attaining future security. 

Among the subjects of complaints and apprehension, which 
might lie comprised uuder the former of these propositions, the 
attention of the Convention has been occupied with the claims 
and pretensions advanced, and the authority exercised over the 
militia, by the executive and legislative departments of the Na- 
tional Government. Also, upon the destitution of the means of 
defence in which the Eastern Stales are left; \vhile at the same 
time, they are doomed to heavy requisitions of men and money 
for nation?! objects. 

The authority of the National Government over the milij-ia is 
(derived from those clauses ia the Constitution which give power 



( 6 ) 

io Congress " to provide for calling forth tlie militia to execute 
tlie I.1NV3 of the Union, suppress iasurreciioiis and repel inva- 
sions." — Also, " to provide <or organizint;, arming and discip- 
lining the mililia, and lor governing such parts ol" them as may 
he employed in the service of the United States, reserving to 
the States, respectively, Ihe appointment of the officers, and tlie 
authority ol trainiug the militia accoidiig to the discipline (.re* 
scribed by Congress." Again, " The President shall be Com- 
Di.inder io Chief ol the army and navy of the United States, and 
of Ihe militia of the several States, when called into the actual 
ser'ice of the United States." In these specified cases only, has 
the NHlional Government any power over the militia ; and it fol- 
lows, conplusively, that for all general and ordinary purposes, this 
poiver belongs to the States res|iectively, and to them alone. It 
is not only wi:h regret, hut with astonishment, the Convenlioa 
perceive that under colour of an authority conferred with such 
plain and precise limitations, a power is arrogated by the execu- 
tive government, and in some inslaiices sanctioned by the two 
Houses of Congress, of controul over the militia, which if 
conceded, will render nugatory the rightful authority of the indi- 
vidual States over that class of men, and by placing at the dis- 
posal of the National Government the lives an<l services of the 
great body of the people, enable it at pleasure to destroy their li- 
berties, and erect a military despotism on the ruins. 

An elaborate examination of the principles assumed for the ba- 
sis ol these extravagant pretensions, of the consequences to which 
they lead, and of the insurmountable objections to their admis- 
r,ion, would transcend the limits of this Report. A few general 
observations, with an exhibition of the character of these prelen- 
."»ion?, anil a recommendation of a strenuous opposition to them, 
Biust not however be omitted. 

It will not be contended, that by the terms used in the constitu- 
Honal compact, the power of the National Government to call out 
thp militia is other than a power expressly limited to three cases. 
One of these must exist as a conditional precedent to the exercise 
of that power; unless the laws shall be opposed, or an insurrec- 
tion shall exist, or an invasion shall be made. Congress, and of 
coiisequenpe, the Pre8iden,t as their organ, has no more power 
over the militia thin over the armies of a foreign nation. 

But if the declaration of the President should be admitted to be 
an iinnerrins test of the existence of these cases, this -mportant 
power would dpriend, not upon the truth of Ihe fact, but upon 
executive infalli'iilitv. \nd the limitation of the power would 
consecpientlv be nothing more than merely nominal, as it might 
aJvvavs be eluded. It follows, therefore, Ihit the decision of the 
president in this particular cannot he conclusive. It is as much 
the duly of the Stale allth(lrili^■!' to watch over Ihe rights rrsrrv- 
ed. ^s of the United States to exercise the powers which arp 
deltgated. 



( ? ) 

The arrangement of the United States into military (tistricia, 
Witti :> Ml. all (.union ol llie regular lorce, uiui. r an i.tlke' i>\ lunh 
raiiU ol ihf standing army, with power to call lorth the militia, aB 
Circunistanctsiu bis judsment may require; and to assuii f Hie 
coiiini.iid ol them, is not warranted l.y the Constitution or any 
law ol the United Stutes. It is not denied that Congress may 
delegate to the President ol the United States the power to call 
forlh the militia, in the cases which are within their jurisdiction ; 
but he has no authority to substitute military prelects ihroughoiit 
the Union, to use their own discretion in such inslanies. to 
Station an officer of the army in a military district without troops 
corresponding to his rank, for the purpose of taking command of 
the militia that may be called into his service, is a manilesi eva- 
eion ol that provision of the Constitution, which expressly re- 
serves to the States the appointment of the officers ol the mi:itia; 
and the olyeet of detaching such officer, cannot be well conctiv- 
ei! to be any other thiin that of superseding the Governor or 
other officers of the militia in their right to command. 

'J'he power of dividing the militia ol the Stales into classes and 
ohliging such classes to furnish by contract or draft, able-l ndied 
mi II, to serve for one or more years lor the defence ol the frontier, 
is not delegated to Congress. If a claim to draft the milili;' for 
one year lor such general object be admissible, no limitation e^a 
be assigned to it, hut the discretion of those who make ihe law. 
Thus with a power in Congress to authorize such a dralt or coii- 
scripiii.n, and in Ihe Executive to ilecide conclusively upon Ihe 
exi^ience and continuance of Ihe emergency, the whole militia 
may be convened into a standing army, disposable at the will of 
the President of the United Stntea 

'J'be pOwer ' f cnmpelllne the nulitia and other citizens of the 
fjnitcd States by a forcible draft or coai^criplit'n to serve in the 
recnbir Mrmies as proposed in a bite official letf(r of the hecreiriry 
of ^'^nr, is not deleuatf'd to Congres? by the Constitution, and Ihe 
exc'cise of it would be not less dangerous to their liberties, tl mb 
Iiii^iilf to Ihe sovereignty of the Stares. The effort to deduce this 
power from the right of r;iifing armies, is a tl.tgrant atlemiit to 
pprvf t the sense of the rl.iuse in the Conslitiifion which ci'n'ers 
thni ri^ht, and is incomtiatiiije with other provisions in lh:(' ia- 
strui: ent. The armies ol the United St:ites have always I eea 
raised by contract, never by conscrijition, and nothing mort <'aa 
tf wanting to a Government posst ssine the power thus cli'ip ed 
to ' tiahle it to usurp the entire con'roiil of the militii, in deroga- 
te, of the authority of the State, and to cimvert it by impress- 
ineiit inio a standing army 

It may be hce remarked, as a circumstance illustrative, of the 
Ce'ermination o^ the Executive to esta' lisb in absolute coniiol 
Ov> r a!l descrintions of citizens, that the righ* of impressing sea- 
men into the naial service is expressly asserted by the Secretary 
of the navy in a li'e report. Thii« a pr«ciiee. ubich in a foreiun 
goveriuuent has been regarded with great abhorreuce by the peo' 



( 8 ) 

|)le, fiiuls adrocafes among those who have been the loudest Ic 
condemn it. 

The l;i\v autliosizing (he enlistment of minors and apprentices 
into the armies of the United States, without the consent if pa- 
rents and guardians, is also repugnant to the spirit of the Consti- 
tution. By a construction of the power to raise armies, as applied 
by our present rulers, not only persons cajjaliteof contracting are 
liable to l)e im|)ressed into the army, but those who are under le- 
gal disabilities to rnake contracts, are to be invested with this ca- 
pacity, in order to enaltle them to annul at pleasure contracts 
made in their behalf by legal guardians. Such ah interference 
■with the municipal law and rights of the several States, could ne- 
Tcr have been contemplated l)y the framers of the Constitution. 
It impairs the salutary controul and influence of the parent over 
his child — the master over his servant — the guardian over hia 
ward — and thus destroys the most important relations in society, 
so that by the conscription of the father, and the seduction of the 
son, the power of the Executive over all the effective male popu- 
lation of the United States is made complete. 

Such are some of the odious features of the novel system pro- 
posed by the rulers of a free countrj', under the limited powers 
derived from the Constitution. What portion of them will he em- 
braced in acts Anally to be passed, it is yet imposssible to deter- 
mine. It is, however, sufficiently alarming to perceive, that 
these projects emanate from the highest authority, nor should it 
be forgotten, that by the plan of the Secretary of War, the classi- 
fication of the militia embraced the principle of direct taxation 
upon the white population only; and that, in the House of Repre- 
sentatives, a motion to apportion the militia among the white po;)ti- 
fcition exclusively, which would have been io its operation a di- 
rect tax, was strenuously urged and supported. 

In this whole series of devices and measures for raising meh, 
this Convention discern a total disregard for the Constitution, and 
a disposition to violate its provisions, demanding from the indivi- 
dual States a firm and decided opposition. An iron despotism 
can impose no harder serf itude upon the citizens, than to force 
him from his home and his occupation, to wage offensive wars, 
undertalving to gratify the pride or passions of his master. The 
example of France has recently shewn that a cabal of individuals 
assuming to act in the name Of the peojde, may transform tile 
great body of citizens into soldiers, and deliver them ovpr into the 
hands of a single tyrant. No war, not held in just abhorrence by 
a people, can require the aid of such stratagems to recruit an army. 
Had the troops already raised, and in great numbers sacrificed 
upon the frontier of Canada, been employed for the defence of the 
coun'.rj', and had the millions which have been squandered with 
shameless profusion, been appropriated to their payment, to the 
protection of the coast, and to the naval service, there would have 
been no occasion for unconstitutional expedients. Even at this 
jlal« hour, let Goveroment leave to New-England the remnant of 



C 9 ) 

5>er resources, and she is ready and able to defend her territory, 
and to resij^ii lite glories and advaidagtsol' llieliorder war, to ihose 
who are determined to persist in its jjroseculion. 

That aeUol Congress in violation ot ihe Constitution are aliso- 
lulely void, is an nndenialjje posilion. It does nol, however, con- 
sist with ilie respect and lorhearauce due troni a eonlederate State 
tow^irds llie Geueral Governiiieut, to dy lo open resistance upott 
every inlVaeiion oC the . 'onslilulion. The mode and the energy 
ol'tlie opposition, siiouht always conl'orm to the nature ol' Ihe vio- 
lation, the iiiteiilion ol its authors, the extent ol' the injury inflict- 
ed, llie (Iftt rniinalion manilesled to persist in it, and the danger of 
del.iy. iiut in cases ol delilierate-, dangerous, and palpable in- 
IVarlions of the Constitution, atlecling llie sovereignty of a State, 
and lioerties of the people; it is not oidy the right but the duty 
otsuch a Slate lo interpose its authority tor their protection, in Ihe 
manner liest calculated lo secure that end. When emergencies 
ociur which are either beyond the reach of the judicial Iribunals, 
or too pressing to adndt ol Ihe 4lelay incident to their lorms, States, 
whicli have no common uni|)ire, must be Iheir own judges, and 
execute thcirown decisions. It will thus be proper tor the several 
States to await the ultimate disposal ot the obnoxious measures, 
recommended by the Secretary of War, or pending before Con- 
gress, and so to use their power according to the character these 
measure shall finally assume, as effectually (o protect their own 
so^ereignty, and the rights and liberties ol their citizens. 

The nextsu!ijecf which has occupied the attention of the Con- 
venlinn, is the means of deleuce against the common enemy. 
This naturally leads to the inquiries, whether any ex|)eclatioa 
can be reasonably entertained, that adequate provision for the de- 
fence of Ihe Kfislern States will be made by the National Govern- 
Bicnt? Whelberthe several Slates can, from their own resources, 
provide for self-defence and fulfil the requisitions which are lo be 
expected lor Ihe national Treasury P and, generally what course, 
of conduct ought to be adopted by those States, in relation to the 
great object of defence? 

AVilhout pausing at present to comment upon the causes of the 
war, it may be assumed as a truth, ofificially announced, that to 
achieve the conquest of the Canadian territory, and to hold it as a 
pledge for peace, is the deliberate purpose of Administration. 
This enterprize, commeuced at a period when Government pos- 
sesseil the advantage of selecting the time aud occasion for mak- 
ing H sudden descent upon an unprepared enemy, now languishes 
in the third ye.ir of the war. It has been prosecuted wilh various 
fortune, and occasional lirilliancy of exploit, but without any solid 
acrpiisition. The British armies have been recruited by vnleran 
reeiments. Their navy cominands Ontario. The Amencau 
raid(s are thinned by the casu.dlies ol the war. Recruits are itis- 
couraged by the unpopular chsir.icter of the contest, and by the 
oncertainl J'' of receiving (heir -paj'. 
In the progecution of this favourite warfare, Adminietratioa 

o 



( 10 ) 

have left the exposed and vulnerable parts of the conntrj' destitulir 
of all pflicieiil means of defence. The main body of lilt; ivguiar 
army has been marched lo the froulier. — The navy has bien 
»tri]i|)('d of a great part of its sailors for the service of the L.akes. 
Meatiwliile the enemy scours the sea-coas(, blockades our ports, 
ascends our bays and rivers, makes actual decen's in various and 
dislani places holds some by force, and threatens all that ,ae as- 
sailable, with fire and sword. The sea-board o( four of the New- 
England States, following its curvatures, presents an extent of 
more than seven hundred miles, generally occupied by a compact 
population, and accessible by a naval force, exposing a mass of 
people and property to the devastation ol the enemy, vvlucii lears 
a great proportion to the residue of the maritime frontier of the 
United States. This extensive shore has been exposed to fre- 
quent attacks, repeated contribations and constant alarms. The 
Tegular I'orces detached by the national Government lor its de- 
fence, ;ire mere pretexts for placing oiKcers o!' high rank in com- 
mand. They are besides confined to a few places, and are too 
insignificant in number to be included in any computation. 

These States have thus been left to adopt measures for their 
own defence. The militia have been constantly kept on the alert, 
and harassed by garrison duties, and other hardships, while the 
expenses, of which the National Government decline the reim- 
bursement, threaten to absorb all the resources of the States. — 
The President of the United States has relused to consider tJie 
expense of the militia detached by State aiithority, for the inilis- 
pensahle defence of the Slate, as chargealde to the Union, on the 
ground of a refusal by the Executive of the State, to place them 
under the command of officers of the regular army. Detach- 
ments of militia placed at the disposal of the General Govern- 
ment, have been dismissed either without pay, or with depreciat- 
ed paper. The prospect of the ensuing campaign is not enliven- 
ed by the promise of any alleviation of these grievances. Prom 
authentic documents, extorted by necessity from those whose in- 
clination might lead them to conceal the embarrassments of the 
Government, it is apparent that the treasury is bankrupt, and its 
credit prostrate. So deplorable is the state of the finances, that 
those who feel for the honour and safety of the country, would be 
willing to conceal the melancholy spectacle, if those whose infa- 
tuation has prodiiceil this state of fiscal concerns, had not foumi 
themselves com|)c!led to unveil it to public view. 

If the war be continued, there appears no room for reliance 
Bpon the National Government for the supply of those means of 
defence, which must becore indispensable to secure these States 
from desolation and ruin. Nor is it possible that Ihe States can 
discharge this sacred duty from their own resources, and continue, 
to sustain the burden of the national taxes. The Administration, 
after a long perseverance in plans to baffle every effort of com- 
mercial enterprize, had fatally succeeded in their attempts at the 
epoch of the war. Commerce, the vital spring of New-England's 



(11) 

prosperity, was annihilated. Embargoes, restrictions, and the ra 
pacity of revenue officers, had coH)|>lcted its destruction. The 
various objects lor the employment ol productive labour, in the 
branches ol' business <kiicndent on commerce, have disappeared. 
The iisheries have simred its late. JVIanalactures, which Govern- 
meut has professed an inlention to favour and to cherish, as an in- 
demnity lor the I'uilure ol these l>ranches ol' liusiness, are doomed 
to slruggle in their inlancy with taxes and olwtructions, which 
cannot fail most seriously to atlect their growlh. The specie is 
wilhdrawn from circulation. The landed interest, the last to feel 
these burdens, must prepare to become their principal support, as 
all other sources of revenue must be exhausted. Under these 
circumstances, taxes, ol a description and amount unprecedented 
in this country, are in a train of imposition, the burden of which 
must fail with the heaviest pressure uiion the States east of the 
Potoivmac. The amount of these taxes for the ensuing year, 
cannot be estimated at less than live millions of dollars upon the 
New-England .States, and the expenses of the last year for de- 
fence, in Massachusetts alone, approaches to one million of dol- 
lars. 

From these facts, it is almost superfluous to state the irre- 
sistible inference that these St;ites have no capacity of defraying 
the expense requisite for their own protection, and, at the same 
time, of discharging the demands of the national treasury. 

The last enquiry, wliat course of conduct ought to be adopted 
by the aggrieved slates, is iu a high degree momentous. When 
a great and brave people shall feel themselves deserted by their 
Government, and reduced io the necessity either of submission 
to a foreign enemy, or of appropriating to their own use, those 
means of defence which are indispensable to self-preservation, 
th< y cannot consent to wait passive spectators of apiwoaching 
ruin, which it is in their power to avert, and to resign the last 
remnant of their industrious earnings, to be dissipated in support 
of measures destructive of the best interests of the nation. 

This Convention will not trust themselves to express their con- 
viction of the catastrophe to which such a state of things inev- 
itably tends. Conscious of their high rq^iponsibility to God and 
their country, solicitous for the continuance of the Union, as 
well as the sovereignty of the States, unwilling to furnish obsta- 
cles to peace — resolute never to submit to a foreign enemy, anil 
confiding in the divine care and protection, they will, until the 
last hope shall be extinguished, endeavour to avert such conse- 
quences. 

With this view they suggest an arrangement, which may at 
once be consistent with the honour and interest of the National 
Government, and the security of these States. This it will not be 
difficult conclude, if that government should be so disjwsed. By 
the terms of it these States might be allowed to assume their owa 
defence, by the militia or other troops. A reasonable portion, 
also, of the taxes raised in each State might be paid into its trea- 



(12) 



«ury, and credited to the United States, but to be appropriated t» 
the (leleiice of such slate, (o he accounted lor with the United 
States. Mo doubt is entertained tliat by such an arrangnient, 
this portion of the country could be delended with greater erlVct, 
and in a mode more cousislent with economy, and the public coii- 
renience, than any which has been [iractised. 

Should an application for these (turposes, made to Congress by 
the State Legislatures, be attended with success, and should peace 
upon just terms a|)pear to be unattainable, the pe.o|>lc would stand 
together lor the common iletence, until a change ol' Adnuni^ira- 
tion, or ol' a disposition in the enemy, should lacilitate the occur- 
rence of that auspicious event. It would lie inexpedient lor this 
Convention to diminish the hope of a successful issue to such aa 
application, liy recommending, upon supposition of a contrary 
event, ulterior proceedings. Nor is it indeed within their pro- 
vince. In a state o( things so solenni and trying as may then 
arise, the Legislatures ol' the States, or Conventions of the whole 
people, or delegates appointed by them for the exjiress purpose in 
another Convention, must act as such urgent circumstances may 
then require. 

Bat the duty incumbent on this Convention will not have been 
performed, without exhibiting some general view of such mea- 
sures as they deem essential to secure the nation against a re- 
lapse into difUeulties and dangers, should they, by the blessing of 
Providence, escape from their present condition, without abso- 
lute ruin. To this end a concise retrospect of the state of this 
nation under the advantages of a wise Administration, contrasted 
with the miserable abyss into which it is plunged l>y the profliga- 
cy and folly of political theorists, will lead to some practical con- 
clusions. On this subject, it will be recollected, that the imme- 
diate influence of the Federal Constitution upon its first adoption, 
and for twelve succeeding years, upon the prosperity and happi- 
ness of the nation, seemed to countenance a belief in the Irans- 
cendancy of its |)erfections over all other human institutions. In 
the catalogue of blessings which have fallen to the lot of the most 
favoured nations, none could be enumerated from which our coun- 
try was excluded — A Jree Constitution, administered by great 
Jlnd incorruplible statesmen, realized the fondest hopes of liberty 
and independence — The progress of agriculture was stimulated 
by the certainty of value in the harvest— and commerce, after 
traversing every sea, rt^turned with the riches of every clime.-— 
A revenue, secured by a sense of honour, collected without op- 
pression, and paid without murmurs, melted away the national 
debt ; and the chief concern of the public creditor arose from its 
too rapid diininnlion. — The wars and commotions of the Europe- 
an nations, and the interruptions of their commercial intercourse 
afforded to those who had not [(romoted, but who woidd have re- 
joiced to alleviate their calamities, a fair and golden opportunity, 
by combining themselves (o lay a broad foundation for national 
wealth. — Although occasional vexations to commerce, arose from 



( 13 J 

Iho furious collisions of the powers at war, yet Hie great and good 
tnvii oi ihat time cout'omied to tin: tiirce of circumstances wliich 
they could iioi controul, and preserved their couiilry in security 
from the tempests which overwhelmed the old world, and threw 
the wreck of their fortunes on these shores. — Respect abroad, 
prosperity at home, wise laws made liy honoured lejiislators, and 
prompt obedience yielded by a contented peo|ile, liad silenced 
the enemies of republican institutions.— The arts flourished— the 
sciences were cultivated — the comforts aud conveniences of life 
vere universally diffused — and nothing remaineil for succeeding 
administrations, but to reap the advantages, and cherish the re- 
sources. Bowing from the policy of their predecessors. 

But DO sooner was a new a<bninistration established in the 
hands o( the party op[iosed to the Washington policy, than a fix- 
en determination was perceived and avowed of changing a sys- 
tem which had already |)roduced these substantial fruits. The| 
consequences of this change, for a few years after its commence- 
ment, were not suflicient to counteract the prodigious impulse 
towards prosperity, which had beeu given to the nation. But a 
steady perseverance in the new plans of administration, at length 
they developed their weakness and deformity, but not until a ma- 
jority of the people had been deceived by flattery, and inflamed • 
by passion, into blindness to their defects. Under the wither- 
ing inflnence ol this new system, the declension of the nation has 
been uuilbrni and rapid. The richest advantages for securing the 
great objects of the Constitution hr.ve been wantonly rejected. — 
While Europe reposes (i-om the convulsions that had shaken 
down her ancient institutions, she beholds with amazement this 
remote country, once so happy and so envied, involved in a ruin- 
ous war, and excluded from intercourse with the rest of the world. 

T(i investigate and explain the means ivliereby this fatal reverse has 
been iflfected, would require a voliiminoMS discussion. Nothing more 
can b. attempted in this Report, than a general allusion to the princi- 
pal outlines of the policy which has produced this vicisiitude. Among 
these may be enumerated 

First.— A deliberate and extensive system for effectiug a combination 
among certain Slates, by exciting local jealousies and ambition, so as to 
secure to popular leaders in one sectiou of the Union, the controul of 
public affiirs in perpetual succession. To which primary object most 
other characteristics of the system may be reconciled. 

Sccnndly.— The political intolerance displayed and avowed, in evclud- 
uig from ofiice men ol unexceptionable merit, for want of adherence to 
the txcriuive creed. 

7 /ii>%.— The inlraction of the judiciary authority and rights, by de- 
privutg judges ot their offices in violation of the ConstitiUion 

Fourmy.— The abolition of existing Taxes, requisite to prepare the 
Coiintry lor those changes to which nations are always exposed, with a 
view to the acquisition of pnpniar favor. 

i?if/W.i/.— Tlie^iMfluenc- of patronage in the distribution of offices, 
which lu hese States has been almost invariably made among men the 
least entitled to distinction, and who have sold themselves as ready in- 
strumeuts tor distracting public opinion, aud encouraging administration 
to hold in contempt the wishes and remonstrances of a people thus ap- 



(14) 



fHxthti/. — The admission of new States into tlie Union, fonueii at plea- 
sure in the ursteiu region, has destroyed the halaiice of power i' hich 
cxisti'd among the original States, and deeply affH.;ted their interest. 

Seociiihl^. — The easy admission of natnialized foreigners, to places 
of trust, honor or profit, operating as an inducement to thf malcontent 
subjects of tlie old world to come to tliese Stat s, in quest of ext'cutive 
patronage, and to repay it by an abject devotion to executive measures. 

Eightkljj. — Hostility to Greal-Britain, and partiality to the late go- 
vernment of France, adopted as coincident with popular prejudice, and 
subservient to the main object, party power. Connected with these mnst 
be ranked erroneous and distorted estimates of the power and resources 
of those nations, of the probable results of their controversies, and of our 
political relations to them respectively. 

Lastly mui principally. — A visionary and superficial theory in regard 
to commerce, accompanied by a real hatred hut a feigned reg.\rd to its 
interests, anii a ruinous perseverance in efforts to render it an iustrumeut 
of coercion and war. 

But it is not conceivable thattbe obliquity of any administration could, 
ID so short a period, have so nearly consummated the work of natioiial 
ruin, unless favored by defects in the Constitution. 

To enumerate all the improvements of which that instrument is sus- 
ceptible, aud to propose such amendments as might render it in all re- 
spt ets perfect, would be a task, which this Convention his not thought 
proper to assume. They have conliued their attention to such as expe- 
rience has demonstrated to be essential, and even among these, some are 
considered entitled to a more serious attention than others. Thev are 
suggested without any intentional disrespectto other States, and are meant 
to he .such as all shall find an interest in promoting. Their object is to 
strengthen, and if possible to perpetuate, the Union of the States, by 
removnig the grounds of existing jealousie'?, and providing for a fair and 
equal lepresentatiou and a limitation of powers, which have been miSf 
used. 

The first amendment proposed, relates to the apportionment of Repre- 
sentatives among the slave holding States. This cannot be claimed as a 
right. Those States are entitled to the slave representation, by a con- 
stitutional compact. It is therefore merely a subject of agreement, which 
should be conducted upon principles of mutual interest and accommoda- 
tion, and upon which no sensibility on either side should be permitted 
to exist. It has proved unjust and unequal in its operation. Had this 
ofTect been Ibreseen, the privilege would probably not have been de- 
manded ; certaiidy not conceded. Its tendency in future will be ad- 
verse to that harmony and mutual confidence, whicli are more conducive 
to the happiness and prospeiily of every confederated State, than a mere 
prepoiulerance of power, the prolific source of jealousies and controver- 
sy, can be to any one of them. The time mny therefore airive, when a 
sense of magnanimity and justice will reconcile those states to acquiesce 
in a revision of this article, especially as a fair equivalent would result 
to them in the apportionment of taxes. 

The nest amendment relates to the admission of new States into the 
Vnion. 

Tliis amendment is deemed to be highly important, and in fact indis- 
pensable. In proposing it, it is not intended to recognize the right of 
Congress lo admit new States without the original limits of the United 
States, nor is any idea entertained of disturbing the tranquillity of any 
State already admitted into the Union. The object is merely to restrain 
the constitutional power of Congress in admitting new- States. At the 
adoption of the Coustjtution, a certain balance of potver among the oiv 



(15) 

jftia) parties iras considered to esist. and there wa» at that time.aiiu yet 
is .nv)!.gtl>osi' panics, a strong affinity bettvcen their great and general 
iiv.er: sis. By the admission of these States that balanee has befii ma- 
terially aflW-ted, and nnh-ss the practice be modifi. d, most ultimately bo 
destroyed. The Southern States will first avail themselves of th^ir ne\v 
conleflerates to govern the East, and finally the Western States multi- 
plied iM number, and augmented in population, will contronl the inte- 
rests (if the wnole. Thus lor the sake of present power, the Southern 
States will be common snfliprers with the East, in the loss of permanent 
advanages. None of the old States can find an interest in creating prc- 
ma'.nrely an overwhelming Western influeDce, which may hereafter dis- 
cern (as it has heretofore) benefits to be derived to them by wars and 
comme. cia! restrictions. 

The next amendments proposed by the Convention, relate to the pow- 
ers of Congress, in relation to Embargo, and the interdiction of com- 
merce. 

Whatever theories upon the subject of commerce, have hitherto divi- 
ded the opinions of slatesme.:, experience has at last shewn that it is a 
vital interest in the United States, and that its success is essential to the 
encouragptnent of agriculture and manntaclures, and to the wealth, fi- 
nances, defence, and liberty of the nation. Its welfare can never inter- 
fere with the other great interests of the State, but must promote and 
uphold them. StiM those who are immediately concerned in the prose- 
cution of commerce, will of necessity be always a minority of the na- 
tion. Tliey are, however, best qualified to manage and direct its course 
by the advantages of rxperiencc, and the seuse of interest. But they 
are entirely unable to piotect themselves against the sudden and injudi- 
cious decisions of bare majorities, and the mistaken or oppressive pro- 
jects of those who are not actively concerned in its parsuits. Of con- 
sequence, this interest is always exposed to be harassed, interrupted, and 
entirely destroyed, upon pretence of securing other interests. Had the 
merchants of this nation been permitted, by their own government, to 
pursue an innocent and lawful commerce, how different would have been 
the state of the treasury and of public credit ! How short-sighted and 
misirable is the policy which has annihilated this order of men, and doom- 
ed their ships to rot in the docks, their capital to waste unemployed, and 
their aflfections to he alienated from the Government which was formed 
to protect them ! What secwrity for an arapleaud unfailing revenue can 
ever be had, comparable to that which once was realized in the good 
faith, punctuality, and sense of honor, which attached the mercantile 
class to the interests of the Government ! Without commerce, where 
can be foinid the aliraen! for a navy ; and without a navy, what is to con- 
stitute the defence, and ornament and glory of this nation ! No union 
can be durably cemented, in which every great interest does not find it- 
self reasonably secured ag;'i ist the encroachment and combinations ol 
other interests. When, therefore, the past system of embargoes and 
commercial restrictions shall havel>een reviewed — when the finctuation 
and inconsistency of public roeasurss, betraying a want of information 
as well as feeling in the majority, shall have been considered, the rea- 
sonableness of some restrictions upon the power of a bare majority tn 
repeat these oppressions, will appear to be obvious. 

The next amendment proposes to restrict the power of making o9en- 
»ive war. In the consideration of this amendment, it is not necessary 
to inquire into the justness of the present war. But one sentiment now 
exists in relation to its expediency, and regret for its declaration is nearlj, 
universal. No indemnity can ever be attained for this terrible calamity ' 
a«d its only palliation must be found in obstacles to its future recun 



( 16 ) 

renee. Rarely ran the state of tliis country call for or justify offensire 
war. The senilis nf our instituiiiiris is mifivoiir, ble lo its succf-slui 
prosecution ; llie Clicity of our silii.ilioQ exempts iis from its uncessily.— 
Iti this (Msc. as in the former, those more jijimt-diaiely exposed to its fa- 
tal effects arc a minority of the nation. The commercial towns, the 
shores of our seas ami rivers, contftin the population, whose vital inter- 
•sts are most vulnerable by a foreign enemy. Agricnlture, indeed, must 
feel at last, but this appeal to its sensibiliiy comes too late. Agai;i, the 
immense population which has sirarmcd into the West, remote iVom iin- 
mediate danger, and which is constantly augmenting, (vill not be averse 
Vom the occasional disturbances of the Atlantic Slates. Thus interest 
nay not uriiieqiiently combine with passion and intrigue, to plunge the 
lation into needless wars, and enrapel it to become a military, rather 
hail a happy and flourishing people. These considerations which it 
.voiild be easy to augment, call loudly for the limitation proposed in the 
imeiidment. 

Another amendment, subordinate in importance, but still in a high 
legiee expedient, relates to the exclusion of foreigners, hereafter uriiv- 
ug ill the United States, from the capacity of holding ofBces of trust, 
lodoiir or profit. 

That the stock nf population already in these States, is amply suffi- 
lieiit to render this nation in (!iie time sufficiently great and powerful, is 
lot a ci>iitrovertible question — Nor will it he seriously pretended, 'list 
he national deficiency in wisdom, arts, science, arms or virtue, needs to 
)e replenished from foreign countries Still, it is agreed, that a liii.i'al 
>oI cy should offer the rights of hospitality, and the choice of sei tle- 
ncnt, to those who are disposed to visit the country. — But why acimit to 
. participation in the government aliens who were no parties to the eora- 
jact — who are ignorant of the nature of our institutioiis, and hav n'J 
take in the welfare of the country, but what is recent and transitory 
,t is surely a privilege sufficient, lo admit them after due probition to 
• lecome citizens, for all but political purposes. — To extend it beyond 
hese limits, is to encourage foreigners to come to these states as candi- 
* lates for prefriment. The Convention forbear to express their opinion 
ipoii the iuLinspicious efl'ects which have already resulted to the honour 
md peace of this nation, from this misplaced and indiscriminate libe- 
alify. 

The last amendment respects the limitation of the office of President, 
o a single constitutional term, and his eligibility from the same State 
wo terms in sncerssiou. 

Upon this topic, it is stipeifliious to dilate. The love of power, is a 
jrineiple in the human henrt which too often itripels to the use o! all 
)racticable means to prolong its duration. The office of President has 
:harms and attractions which operate as powerful incentives lo ihis pas- 
ion. The first and most natural exertioa of i v.isi p;'tronage is directed 
oxrards the security of a new election. The iu;eresi of she couiury. the 
Tclfari- of :lie people, even honest fame ad respect for the opinion of 
josterity, arc secondary considerations. All the engines of intrigue; 
ill the means of corruption, are lik' ly to be employed for this object. 
\ President whose political career is limited to a single election, may 
iiid no other interest than will be promoted by m.iking if glorious to 
liniself, and beneficial to Ms count, y. But the hop>: of re-el elion is 
iiolific of temptations, uudtr which these magnaniinous motives are de- 
jrived of their principr.l force. The repealed election of the President 
tf the United Stites from any one state, affords i^idncrments and means 
or intrigue, wliieh tend to create an undue local inliueiice, a;;d;o esiab- 
ish the doiniiiation of particular States, The justice, therefore, of se^ 



9 



( i7 ) 



curing to every state a fair and equal chance for the election of this offi- 
cer from its own citizens i« apparent, and this olycct will be essentially 
promoted by preventing an election from the same State twice in suc- 
cession. 

Such is the general view which tliis Convention has thought proper to 
submit, of the sittation a( these Stales, of their dangers and their duties. 
Most of the subjects which it embraees have separately received an am- 
ple and luminous investigation, by tlie great and able asscrtors of the 
rights of their country, in the National Legislature ; and nothing more 
oould be attempted on this occasion, than a digest of general principles, 
and of recommendations, suited to the present state of public afTiirs. — 
The peculiar difflculty and delicacy of performing, even tbi* nndert.-iking, 
will be appreciated by all who think seriously upon the crisis. Nego- 
tiations for Peace, are at this hour supposed to be pending, the issue of 
which must be deeply interesting to all. No measures should be adopt- 
ed, which might unfavourably Rffect that issue ; sone which should em- 
barrass tlie Admiuistratiou, if their professed desire for peace is sincere; 
and none, which oa supposition of their insincerity, should afford them 
prete.xts for prolonging the war, or relieviug themselves from the respon- 
sibility of a dishonorable peace. It is also devoutly to be wished, that 
an occasion may be afforded to all fiiends of the country, of all parties, 
and in all places, to pause and consider the awful state to which perni- 
cious couusels, and blind passions, hare brought this people. The num- 
ber of those who perceive, and who are ready to retrace errors, must, it 
is believed, be yet inflicisnt to redeem the nation. It is necessary to 
rally and unite them by the assurance that no hostility to the Constitu- 
tion is meditated, and to obtain their aid in placing it under guardians, 
who alone can save it from destruction. Should this fortunate change be 
effected, the hope of happiness and honor may once more dispel the 
surreundiug gloom. Our nation may yet be great, our union durable. 
But should this prospect be utterly hopcloss, the time will not have been 
lost, which shall have ripened a general sentiment of the necessity of 
more mighty eiTorts to rescue from ruin, at least some portioo of our be- 
loved country. 

THEREFORE RESOLVED— 

That it be and hereby is recommended to the Legislatureti 
of the several States represented in this Convention, to adopt 
all such measures a» may be necessary effectually to protect 
the citizens of said States from the operation and effects of all 
acts which have been or may be passed by the Congress of the 
United States, which shall contain provisions, subjecting the 
militia or other citizens to forcible drafts, conscriptions, or im- 
pressments not authorized by the Constitution of tlie United 
States. 

Ilesolved, That it be and hereby is recommended to the said 
Legislatures, to .lutliorize an immediate and earnest application 
to be made to the Government of the United States, requesting 
their consent to some arrangement, whereby the said States 
may, separately or in concert, be empowered to assume upon 
themselves the defence of their territory arainst thetiiemy; 
and a reasuiwble portion of the ta>es, collected within said 
States, may be paid into the respective treasuries thereof, and 
appropriated to the payment of the balance due said States, and 

3 



( 48 ) 

to the future defence of the same. The amount so paid into 
the said treasuries to be credited, and the disbursements mad« 
as aforesaid to be charged to the United States. 

Resolved, That it be, and it hereby is, recommended to the 
Legislatures of the aforesaid States, to pass laws (where it has 
not already been done) authorizing the tiovernors or Com- 
manders in Chief of their militia to make detachments from th» 
same, or to form voluntary corps, as shall be most convenient 
and conformable to their Constitutions, and to cause the same 
to be well armed, equipped and disciplined, and held in readi- 
ness for service; and upon the request of the Governor of ei- 
ther of the other States to employ the whole of such detach- 
ment or corps, as well as the regular forces of the State, or suck 
part thereof as may be required and can be spared consistently 
with the safety of the State, in assisting the State making such 
request, to repel any invasion thereof which sliall be made or 
attempted by the public enemy. 

Resolved, That the following amendments to the Constitution 
of the United States, be recommended to the States represent- 
ed as aforesaid, to be proposed by them for adoption by the 
State Legislatures, and in such cases as may be deemed expe- 
dient, by a Convention chosen by the people of each State. 

And it is further recommended, that the said States shall 
persevere in their efforts to obtain such agiendraents, until the 
same shall be effected. 

First. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportion- 
ed among the several States which may be included within tliis- 
union, according to their respective numbers of free persons, 
including those bound to serve for a term of years and exclud- 
ing Indians, not taxed, and all other persons. 

Secon(L No new State sliall be admitted into the union by 
Congress in virtue of the power granted by the Co.istitution, 
without the concurrence of two-thirds of both Houses. 

Third. Congress shall not have power to lay any embargo 
on the ships or vessels of the citizens of the United States, in 
the ports or harbors thereof, for more than sixty days. 

Fourth. Congress shall not have power, without the con- 
eurrence of two-thirds of both Houses, to interdict the com- 
mercial intercourse between the United States and any foreign 
nation «r the dependencies thereof. 

Fifth. Congress shall not make or declare war, or author- 
ize acts of hostility against any foreign nation without the con- 
currence of two-thirds of both Houses, except such acts of hos- 
tlliiv b(; in defence of tiie territories of the United States when 
a!;ti!sliy invaded. 

SLx^th. No person who shall hereafter be naturalized, shall 
be e!iy;ible as a member of the Senate or House of Uepresent*' 



( 10 ) 

tivei of tlie United States, nor capalile of holding any civil of- 
fice under tlie auflioritj of the United States. 

Seventh. The same person sliali not he elected President 
of the ll'nited States a second time : nor sliall th*^ President he 
elected from the same State two terms iti succession. 

Resolved, That if the application of tliese States to the go- 
vernment of the United States, recomiiieii(ied in a foren;oin^ 
Resolution, should he unsuccessful, and peace should not be 
concluded, and the defence of these States should be neglected, 
as it has been since the commencement of the war, it will in the 
opinion of this Convention be «xpedient for the Lc<i;islature8 of 
the several States to appoint Delegatea to another Convention, 
to meet at Boston, in the State of Massachusetts, on the third 
Thursday of June next, with such p»wers and instructions at 
the exigency of a crisis so momentous may require. 

Kesolved, That the Hon. George Cab6t, the Hon. Chaunccy 
Goodrich, and tlie Hon. Daniel Cyman, or any two of them, be 
authorixed to call another meeting of this Convention, to bo 
holdcn in Boston, at any time before new Delegates shall be 
chosen, as recommended in the above Resolution, if in their 
judgment the situation of the Country shall urgently require it. 

HAHTroKD, January 4th, ISlfi. 

eEORGE CABOT, JAMES HILLHOUSE, 

NATHAN DANE, JOHN TREADWELL, 

WILLIAM PRESCOTT, ZEPHANIAH SWIFT, 

HARRISON G. OTIS, NATHANIEL SMITH, 

TIMOTHY BIGELOW, CALVIN GODDARD, 

JOSHUA THOMAS, ROGER M. SHERMAN^ 

SAMUEL S. WILDE, DANIEL LYMAN, 

JOSEPH LYMAN, SAMUEL WARD, 
STEPHEN LONGFELLOWjJr.EDWARD MANTON, 

DANIEL WALDO, BENJAMIN HAZARD, 

HODIJAH BAYLIES, BENJAMIN WEST, 

GEORGE BLISS, MILLS OLCOTT, 

«HAUNCEY GOODRICH, WILLIAM HALL, Jk. 



jfeTATEMENTS, 

MIPARED AND PTJBUSHED BY ORDER OF THE 

cojvvEjrriojv of delegates, 

HEU} AT HARTFORD, DECEMBER 15, 481^, 

AND PRIKTED BT THEIR ORDER. 



SCHEDULE (A,) 

Shewing the sjcertained expenses of the trar, prior to July 1, 1814. 
Military Departmem, or land forces, from January 1, to Sepf. 
SO, 1812, including about six months of peace, and three montht 
of war, in that year, - - - Sr,464,814 80 

From Sept. SO, 1812, to Sept. 30, 1813, - 18,484,750 49 
From Sept. 30, 1813, to Dec. 31, 1813, - 5,887,747 00 
From Jan. 1, to July 1, 1814, - 11,210,238 00 

Ascertained expenses of the land forces ) «^g q^j i5S~^ 
from Jan. 1, 1812, to July 1, 1814,5 ' ' 

^avy Department, from Jan. 1, to Sept. SO, 
1812, about six months of peace, and three 
months of war, the sum of 82,638,612 9« 

From Sept. 30, 1812, to ? 6,420,707 29 

Sept. 30, 1813, 5 

rromSept.S0,toDec.31,1813, 1,248,145 10 

From Jan. l,to July 1, 1814, 4,012,899 90 



-14,320,365 15 



Ascertained war expenses to July 1, 1814, 857,367,915 44 
to which must be added, large sums not ascer- 
tained, and, also disbursements made by indi- 
vidual States, these must be more than 3,000,000 0« 

860,367,915 44 

JVo<e....The Military and Naval expenses of the United State* 
from January 1, 1812, to June 18, 1812, when war was declar- 
ed, are included in the above Account, and were partly on ac- 
•ount of the peace establishment, and, in part, preparations fev 



( fil ) 

war. So that this enormous expenditure was incurred in the 
Military and Naval departments alone, in two years of small 
warfare, and iu six months that preceded it. 

SCHEDULE (B,) 

Shewing the receipts at the Treasury of the United States 
from January 1, 1812, to July 1, 1814, including about 6 months 
•f peace, and about two years of war, to wit — 

From Jan. 1, to Oct. 1, 18 12, from the proceeds 
of the customs, the sales of land, &c. being three 
fourths of the revenue year, - - 88,201,210 1* 

The balance inthetre'asurychargcd this account, 3,647,818 36 

On the 1 1 million loan under the act of March 
14, 1812, ... - 5,847,212 50 

817,996,241 04 
Receipts from Oct. 1, 1812, to Oct. 1, 1813, to wit— 
From the proceeds of the cus- 
toms, - - - 812,596,491 55 
Sales of land, - 830,671 53 
Other items of revenue, 140,879 35 

13,568,042 48 

On account of -the 11 million loan,g4,337,48r 50 
On the 16 million loan, act Feb. 
8, 1813, - - - 14,488,125 00 

Treasury Notes issued on the act 
of June 30, 1812, - - 4,898,300 00 

Do. do. act Fab. 

25, 1813, - - - £55,000 00 

23,9r6,912 59 

Receipts from Oct. 1, 1815, to 
Jan. 1, 1814, to wit— 

From the customs and sales of 
knds, &c. - - - 83,678,565 00 

On the 16 million loan, 1,511,875 00 

Onthesevenand halfmillion loan, 3,907,335 00 
Treasury notes, - 3,778,700 00 

12,876,4r5 Oft 

Receipts from Jan. 1, to July It, 
1814, to wit — 

From the proceeds of the customs, 84,182,088 25 
Sales of public lands, - 540,065 68 

Internal duties and direct tax, 2,189,272 40 
Postage and incidental receipts, 166,744 00 

gf ,076,170 33 



( a» ) 



On the 7i million loan, 

2, 1813, S3,59£,C65 

On 10 million loan (part 
•f the 25 millions) 6,087,011 



aet Aug. 



Treasury notes 
•n act Feb. 25, 

1813, - 81,070,000 
Do. on act 

March 24, 

1814, 1,392,100 



89,679,676 



-2,462,100-12,141,776 00-19,219,946 35 



Deduct cash iu the treasury, July 1, 1814, 



87,637,617 30 
4,722,659 32 

S82,9l4,95f 98 



Deduct payments made at the 
treasury in the same period from 
Jan.l,1812,toJulyl,1814,towit— . ' • 

The civil list, Indian depart- , . 

ment, &c. - - g4,697,872 5£ 

Interest and principal of the 
public debt, - - 21,101,417 72—25,807,180 04 



Left for war purposes in this period, - g57,107,777 94 
J\/'ote.... Thun while the war cost above 60 millions of dollars, 
and the land forces 46 millions of the sum, there was but a 
small British army employed against the United States, and in 
this period, disgrace generally attended tlie American arms by 
land. 

SCHEDULE (C,) •- 
Shewing the great increase of the revenues of the United 
States, from the adoption of the Constitution to- the adoption of 
the restrictive system ; and while commerce continued free, and 
the great diminution of these reven«es since that system was 
resorted to — they were as foUowj as. by Treasury statements. 



Prior to 1792, 



In 



1792, 
1793, 
1794, 
1795, 
1796, 
1797, 
1798, 
1799, 
1800, 
1801, 
1802, 



!B4,418,913 

3,661,932 

4,714,423 

5,128,432 

5,954,534 

7,137,529 

' 8,403,560 

7,820.575 

7,475,773 

10,777,709 

12,846,530 

15,668,225 



1803, 
1804, 
1805, 
1806, 
1807, 
1808, 
■" 1809, 
1810, 
1811, 
9m,on.»n812, 



11,064,067 

11,828,307 

13,560,666 

15,559,931 

16,398,019 

17^60,661 

7,77i,4r$ 

9,384,214 

14,423,529 

6,927,706 

g21S,786,78S 



( ss ) 

JVof«,...As bonds were. 6;ivcn for tlic duties, and they U'^iially 
fcecome payable tlie next year — tlie du(io3 payable in any year, 
■were, generally, collected on the importations of the preceding 
year, as the gi7,060,661 received in 1808 were the duties on 
ilie great importations of 180r, a few small suras excepted. 

JV*o^, aZso.... All these revenaes arose from commerce, except 
£16,202,651. 

It will be observed that all the sources of revenue exclusive 
of impost and tonnage duties, did not, on an average, amount to 
quite one million of dollars a year ; so tliat the impost and ton- 
nage duties, the four years preceding the long embargo, amount- 
ed to about fifty -eight millions of dollars, or to 814,500,000 a. 
year. And if there had been no embargoes or restrictions ou 
commerce these would have increased, at least not decreased 
till the war was commenced. That commenced four years and 
a half after the embargo was laid. It will be seen that all 
the revenues amounted, in four years before the embargo, to 
862,579,274, and deducting for other sources of revenue, one 
million a year. -There will remain 858,579,274 received from 
imposts and tonnage duties : whereas in the three years and nine 
months after the embargo was laid, all the revenues, as above, 
amounted only to 838,508,922, or at the rate of 840,817,990 in 
four years ; but in these fonr years were included, not only the 
ordinary million a year, but the two million direct tax of 1798, 
and the new int»rnal duties of those four yeai-s, whcnca 
was collected at least two millions and a half; hence deduct 
86,500,000 from 849,817,990 leaves, received from impost and 
tonnage duties, 834,317,990, — 824,251,684 less than was receiv- 
ed in the four years preceding the embargo ; that is, above six 
million a year, or above twenty-seven millions for the four 
Tears and a half the restrictive system existed before the war ; 
hence this sum was clearly lost by this system. ...Sec isichedule 
F. 

^"0(6, aho....The said 816,262,651 was received thus, — from 
internal revenue, 86,460,003; direct lax, 81,757,240; sales of 
land, 86,161,283 02; postage of letters, &c. 8667,343; mis- 
eellaneous, Sl,2lG,77o. 

Therefore, it is clear that if there had been no restrictive 
lystem or war, the old debt of the United States, would have 
kaeu, before this time, paid, or nearly paid. 

SCHEDULE (D,) 

Shewing the state of the anny of the United States previoas 
fp July 1, 1814, It was thi's— 'i>j«i*<;live* g7.0t«; ag-gregat* 
Sl,539j stationed as folUwi; ', ' " 



( 84 ) 

In the first Military District, at Boston, Portsmouth, Port- 
land and Eastpo'rt, segregate number 655 

2 Military District at New-London, &c. 714 

at New-York, 2,116 

at Fort Mifflin, &c. 308 

at Baltimore, Norfolk, 2,244 

at N. and S. Carolina and Georgia, 2,244 
at New-Orleans, Mobile, &c. 2,378 



3 


do. 


4 


do. 


5 


do. 


6 


do. 


7 


do. 



Stationed on the sea board, 10,659 

8 Militarjf District at Detroit, Sand- 

wich, &c, 2,47'2 

9 do. division of the right, 11,795 

at Buffalo, Sackett's Harbor, &c. 6,613 

18,408 

on the Canada line, 20,889 



total— 31,539 
Recruits enlisted from January 27, 1814, to September 30, 
1814, as by the return of the Inspector General, vrere 13,898: 
to wit — in February 1814, 980 

March, „ 2,357 

April, ,, 2,501 

May, „ 2,138 

June, „ 1,445 

July, ,, 1,486 

August, „ 1,687 

Sept. „ 1,304 

13,898 

JWe....An army of 31,539, early in the year 1814, was, n« 
doubt, a much larger army than the United States kept up the 
two first years of the war; and if properly employea, 31,000 
regular troops were certainly adequate to oppose any force 
Great Britain, in those yeiirs, employed against the United 
States — 31,000 men, according to the estimates of the war and 
Treasury Departments, should not have cost more than 12 mil- 
lions a year, or 24 millions in the two yeaj-sj whereas the land 
forces did cost 46 millions and more, in the wasteful manner in 
which the war was conducted. 

JVote, fl/so...."VVhen It is considered the United States had on 
tiie 1st of July, 1814, a regular army of 31,539, and enlisted in 
8 months, from February 1, to October 1, 1814, 13,898 men for 
•what possible pretence can the national government have re- 
course to conscription, and measures destructive of the liberties 
of the people, to fill the ranks of the army, the course of enlist- 
ments amply prove, that if the army be well paid and support- 
ed, accortling to contracts, there can be no occasion to resort to 
such violent measures. 

JVote, a/.so....Of the 10,659 regular troops on the ssa board, 
»aly 1,369 were gtatioHeiJ| ia New-England. 



( 25 ) 



SCHEDULE (E.) 
Though the operPiions of the war in 1781 and 1782 were 
•re;a. tbijcciuiiy in the Southern States, yet it cost Ann nca 
Tijr less ihun fifteen niillion« a year, as will appear by the public 
dccumenis. In 1782 Congress made an estimate for an army 
ol 25,000 men. This cslima'e, which proved to be correct, 
W..S a little over eight millions of dollars. The indivduil 
States' expenses will be found not to have exceeded four mil- 
lions a year, and Navy expenses were triflini;. In 1781 the 
expenses were about three millions more than in 1782. — Prices 
were about the same then as now. 

The following is an abstract of the expenditures of the Uni- 
ted Slates from the adoption of the Constitution, to Oct. J, 1812, 
taken froui Treasury Rt.ports : 



Prior 


to 1792, 


gl 718 129 


1803, 


■ 4,062824 


In 


179i!, 


1,766 677 


1804, 


4.05,. 858 




1793, 


1 707.848 


1805, 


6357. J. )4 




1794, 


3.500, j4K 


1806, 


6,080 2V9 




1795, 


4,350.596 


1807, 


4.98 V.572 




1796, 


2.531.930 


1808, 


6,504,338 




1797, 


2 833.5-.0 


1809, 


7,414,672 




1798, 


4.623,223 


1810, 


3,311.082 




1799, 


6 480,166 


1811, 


5,59 <! 604 




1800, 
1801, 


7,4' 1,369 
4.981 669 


9 months of 18 1 a, 


11,760 292 










18U2, 


3,737,079 




8108,102,221 



JVbfe.. .These expenditures do not include the interest and 
principal nf the public debt. 

Never after the peace of 1783, till 1812, did the expenditures 
«f the United States an>ount to seven' millions and a half inany 
year. 

In 1781 Cornwallis was taken, and it is ascertained that over 
36,0()0 Bi'ilisb troops were sent itito the four Southern States 
in 'es.s than two years in 1780 and 1781. Tht United Siates 
■were obliged to keep up large forces m the Middle and North- 
ern States ; and the militia draf's were often made in those 
two years. — During the long period from March 4, 1789, to 
Oct. 1, 1812, the whole Military expenditures of the United 
States were but S 44 066,745 65 including Indian wars, war 
with France, and witn the Barbary powers, the Pennsylvania 
insurrection, and several millions expended in the present war 
bt fore October, 1812. Much less than two millions of dollars 
a year. And the Navy expenditures during the same long pe.* 
riod were but S 29,889,660 78. About one million and a qttar; 
ter a year. 



( 26- ; 

Further, An examination of the public documents will shew-, 
th.it tlic eit'ht-yciiiswar of the revolution did no', cost more 
Wmxm 20S,000X0O oi sfiecie dollars. More than hulf triat sum 
w;is expended in the three first years, when paper money was 
abundant, and the American and British armies most numer- 
ous; a period in which we withstood the forces of the enemy 
alone, in a manner so honourable to our arms. 

SCHEDULE J-.) 

This Schedule brint^sinto one view the great loss of revenue 
occasioned hy the Restrictive System, and the enoinious waste 
of public monies in the two first years of this war; the partic- 
ulars whereof are stated in the preceding Schedules. 

1. 27 millions of dollars, at least, were lost by 
reason of restrictions on commerce, for four years 
and a half before the war was declared or commen- 
ced, as in schedule C, .... 827,000,000 

2. War expenses, as stated in schedule A, to 
the amount ot §60,357,913, at least, were incur, 
red in this war before July 1, 1814; whereas, on 
any scale of expenses of any wars, ever qarried on 
in this country heretofore, the war expeiise'S from 
Jan. 181J, to July 1, 1814, ought not to have ex- 
ceeded 27 millions, if indeed they could ,Mual 
that sum. There then was clearly a wastefuTand 
improvident expenditure of public monies, in the 
war and navy departments, in this sliort period, 

of more than 33 millions of dollars, - - 33,000.000 

Revenue and public monies lost by foolish re- 
strictions, and in a profligate management of the 

war, S 60 OOtj.OOO 

Schedule E, also, shews how moderate our military expen- 
ses were prior to the present w^r. 

.A'b^f... Had this large sum been saved, as it might have been, 
with perfect ease by a wise and economical administration, the 
credit of the Uirted States, at this moment, wouid have been 
unimpaired ; and the very heavy direct ;ind internal taxes now 
laid on the p opic to supply the place of this sum, so lost and 
wasted, might !iave been avoided. 

In fact, examine the ex cnditures of all former wars in this 
country, the force brought against it in the two first years of this 
war, and every cause of necessary expenditure, and it will ap- 
pear, that not so much as 27 iiillions ought to have been cxjiuiid- 
cd in the military and navai uepariiuent in the period in question. 



( 27 ) 
SCHEDULE (G,) 

Shewing the amounts of Uie several Internal Duties, distinctly, that have 
accr. cd for tlie two first quarters of the year 1814. .Vsct-rtained to 
have been received in each Stale iuid Territory of the I'nited Slates, 
viz. 





"■ 


2,1. -^-"Sr- % r -'^- si-^sr "-S 

P = = .| f f .»■•' -.. i| 


'A 

3 

w 






S 

o: 


t^.trtOOOii— 4i.4^C:» ^^tf^4>'^H-0^ 
l-*tOh-i tAChOi4^tO»— rf*.COatl— h-CXi^-tJOIOK-*. 
OtOtO »t».rfi'000-^»tOO-M4^W45.w4^4^00»OW<0 0. 
0*tOO^ tOO:tfiOOO>-''^OD4».C,j5.CuKJOO-SOlW)-iK- 
tO^C*3 COiOttO00tjTC?jCtOOi*^C"<£J.t».0CtrtC"S"^ 


=3 !» O 

?-£3 

2"" 






•^1 c i.. -^4 rfs. c: <o I— (J. CT. a. to UD oj U( o-, o> c^j lo tA oc "C 
:■; ^. J:. Qc -^-i (O ■-■- -^ cc e •— '-I o to '■* cr. ;,^ tj o oc 






c 


M,^ ^. tO^OjpiC3COO;itntr,Cnh-C3tOtOC^a. 

4^C■^al^.^.4*■^^Ol— ^Ch4i^(0*»crit/, oo-MCa^tOtOtOOO, 


Carnages 






y 


1— -iA^r* "-''•J^'***^*^^'-'-^a)Ootoc^i— 00000000 






f" ^ ,^ ^ ^ i) ■ ^, , ,^ J- *o ►- to *f^ 4^^ H- to o* to H- I- M )- 

£- ,— P ^ S Hy-' ^ •-- CO C 4^ Ci *. •■T' C -• O. O- '.' O O -1 f t- 

•^ ut oi o cr. ot ot .-w hCv c C3 K- #w 1— ^ - ■ • -;; -- • — ■ .t 


2-'g 












c- 
c.. 


^ ^^ ^>:f^*oy^c.*oooo>to 
*^^ CO ex c c:.os;^ool5-aiwc^roioo-^c^J- 


Duties on 
Sales at 
\iiction. 






•li 


to to 03 c CO to^4i.oi--L.H-cn'-cooo;jcnVtic 






.^ 




= o 
■■■; 32 
- -* 






tl 


Oi o 






( 

0- 
4 

CC 


■* , I-* to to 4^ Cn HI 
>-_ M 4^C:>CK0C^I--CtOU>C(-'^ItA rf*- 
T^ F* ^ .^ H-^0»— t0(Xh-t0C0C,:J-vIt/i00OC,:iC3 tOO> 
.SJHJ^ *^ >— 4^004^h-4^p--^(OCtOt^03 00tOi-*004i 
y^jO trt i-«trt^CCT>0>0>CtfitOOOO»--OOiinaO'0 03l— 4^ 


CC 

1 






0>-Nl4* to'OiOOOU»COH-M*>-OOOOt*'-*>-C'COOOCOI— .c 

CTvOiot ^oa\t/too*^oia*)--tJ*oaiCA«30»"^ot«ooat 





-GROSS TOTAL— JD(»lls, 2,212j491 733 



( 30 ) 



o. The kind of exports from the United States, as articles 
domestic or foreign ; productions of the forest, agriculture, of 
the sea, &c. 



Prod, of the forest 
of the sea, 
of agriculture 
ofmanufact. 

Miscellaneous, 



Foreign articles, 



year 1804 


year 1S05 


year 1806 


year 1807 


4,600,000 


5,261,000 


4,861,00(, 


5.476.0U0 


3 450,000 


2,884 000 


3,1 16,000 


2,804.009 


30-890,000 


31.552,000 


32,375,000 


.J7, 852.000 


2,100 000 


3,525,000 


2,707,000 


2,120.000 


430,000 


155,000 


445,01)0 


468,000 


41.440.000 


42,387,000 


43,504,000 


48,700.000 


36,231,597 


j3. (79,021 


60,283,000 


59,643.578 


77,671,597 


'5.566,021 


103,787,000 


108,343,558 



This statement shews that about three fourths of the domes- 
tic exports of the United Slaces are the produce of agriculture, 
and for four years prior to the embargo, exceeded, on an ave- 
rage, 33 millions a year. It will readily be seen what great 
losses there must have been in regard to these arligjes, when 
the regular exportation of them has been capriciously inter- 
rupted for seven years past, by embargoes, restrictions and war, 
the same as to the produce of the forest, and that^of "the sea ; 
the latter amounting, on an average, for four years next bel'orc 
the embargo, to above 3 millions of dollars a year,-b^s been, 
by restrictions and war, wholly destroyed — and the shipping^ 
formerly employed in acquiring these productions of the sea, 
is nearly rotten at the wharves, and the seamen engaged in this 
branch of business, very important in a public view, are scat- 
tered and gone. 

The domestic articles in the four years next before the re- 
strictive system, were 50 millions more than the same articles 
exported in the four years under it, and before the war. 



( 31 ) 

NOTE.— Page 7. 

litract IVom Report of tlie Secretary of the Navy, dated Novcmln-v 1.,, 

1814. 

There is another branch of the service which appears to me to merit 
tlie .serious deliberation of llic legislature, witli regard to the establish- 
nient of s(mie regular system, bv which the voluntary enlistments for Uie 
nivv may derive occasional reinforcement from the services of those seaJ' 
men who, pursuing- tiieir own private occupations, are exempt, by their 
itinerant h..bits, from public service of any kind. In my view there would 
be nothing incomp;it.ble with the free spirit of our institutions, or w.th 
the rights of individuals, if registers, with a particular descriptive record, 
were kept in- tlie several districts, of aU the seamen belonging to the 
United States, and provision made by law for classing and calling into the 
public service, m succession, for reasonable stated periods, sucli portions 
or classes, as the public .service might require, and if any individual, so 
called, should be absent at the time, the next in succession shoukl perform 
the tour of duty of the absentee, who should, on his return, be liable to, 
serve his original tour, and liis substitute be exempt from his succeeding' 
regular tour of duty. 



NOTE.— Page 9. 



; 



It appears from the following extract from a speech of Mr. Madison, iii 
the Debates of the Virginia Convention, that he had a prophetic view of 
circumstances which would induce a majority of Stjites to support Vik- 
OIN-I.V against X\ie carrying Suites. See also the speeches of Mr. Nicho- 
las in that Convention, and the essays in the Federalist, written by Mj-. 
Madison, 

Extract from debates in Virginia Convention. — Richmond Ed. p. 224- 

I wUl not .sit down till I make one more observation on what fell fromi 
my honourable friend. He says, tliat the true dif?t;rence betweeen the 
states lies in this circumstance — tliat some are carrying states, and others 
productive, and that tlie operation of the new government will be, that 
tliL-re wdl be a plm-ahty of the former to combine against the interest o£ 
thi- latter, ;md that consequently it will be dangerous to put it in tlieiC 
power to do so. I would join with him in sentiments, if tliis were the casei 
AVere this within the bounds of probabiliity, 1 should be equally alarmed, 
but I think that those States wliich are contradistinguished as carrying 
states, from the non-importing states, will be but few. I suppose the 
suthern states wUl be considered by all, as under the latter description! 
Some otlier states have been mentioned by an honorable member on tht 
same side, which are not considered as carrying states. New-Jersey and 
Connecticut can by no means be enumerated among the carrying states 
They receive theu' supplies tlirough New-York. Here then is a pluraliti 
of non-importing states. I could add another if necessary. Delaware; 
tliough situated upon the water, is upon the list of non-c:ui'ying states 
I might say tliat a great part of New-Hampshire is so. I believe a major! ' 
ty of tlie people of that State receive their supplies from Massachusetts ' 
Khode-Island and Connecticut. — Might I not add all those states wliicl 
wdl be admitted hereafter into the union .' These will be non-carrvini 
stales and will support Vu-gmja in case Uw carrying states will attpnipt ti 
combme against the rest. 




« 



,. .if -a 



